The Obama administration took an important step to advance America’s security in completing the comprehensive joint plan of action, or CJPoA. The deal negotiated in Vienna represents the best of the available options for dealing with Iran’s nuclear program. It avoids both the hazards and uncertainties of military action, and provides a strong international framework for stopping Iran from getting a nuclear weapon.

One interesting aspect of the debate sparked this week by the Iran deal is that most critics are unclear about what they would propose as an alternative to the current deal — it is not clear that additional sanctions would have motivated Iran to make more concessions, and the prospect of another war in the Middle East is not appealing to many.

A key strength of this agreement is that it brings together the world’s leading powers and outlines commitments from Iran.

The CJPoA is a result of years of protracted negotiations bringing together the world’s leading powers and supported by technical experts — and the core of the deal is one that cuts off all viable pathways to Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for lifting of sanctions imposed because of Iran’s nuclear research.

The most important part of this agreement is the strict monitoring and verification over Iran’s nuclear program, and their critical elements will remain indefinitely. The deal will allow monitoring of Iran’s declared facilities as well as inspections of any suspected undeclared facility in a relevant time frame. Importantly, the deal contains extensive provisions to detect possible violations by Iran, and it outlines measures to impose penalties on Iran if it doesn’t abide by the agreement.

By resolving the nuclear question, the United States is in a better position to oppose Iran on other fronts. Just because Iran has agreed to curb its nuclear program doesn’t mean its other negative behavior will stop. On the contrary, the United States and its regional partners should be prepared to counter a likely increase in malicious Iranian activities across the region as the Vienna agreement is implemented.

The United States will need an active and forceful strategy to deal with these activities, one that works closely with America’s regional partners and traditional allies. The United States with its allies will be more capable of dealing with these problems without the cloud of the possibility that Iran will become a nuclear power hovering over the nation’s head.

Pressure can now be focused on Iran’s support for terrorism, its promotion of regional instability, and its appalling human rights record, among other things. Far from bestowing regional hegemony on Iran, the nuclear agreement allows the United States and its regional partners to more strongly oppose its destructive influence.

On the nuclear agreement, now the work is just started. If the parties abide by the framework, there are many months and years ahead of implementing the agreement — and this process will likely lead to further rounds of international diplomacy and heated political debate.

Congress can play an important role by providing additional resources for America’s intelligence community and the International Atomic Energy Agency to monitor and verify Iran’s compliance with the deal.

In addition, the United States should look into further arrangements to restrict Iranian activities in areas related to Tehran’s nuclear program, such as its ballistic missile program, to reinforce the Vienna agreement.

In sum, the agreement gives the United States and its allies their best shot at reining in Iran’s nuclear program. It offers a longer delay than any military option, and places restrictions on Iran’s nuclear activities that would be absent without an agreement.

Implementation and monitoring of the agreement will be crucial to ensure Iran lives up to its terms, and the United States should remain vigilant against Iran’s other malicious behavior in the Middle East.

Brian Katulis is a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress, focusing on national security policy in the Middle East and South Asia. He wrote this for InsideSources.com.