Four years ago, I retired from the Jewish Federation of Eastern Connecticut after a long and rewarding career there. As part of my post-retirement responsibilities I was to continue leading Missions to Israel for the Jewish Federation. COVID-19 prevented that from happening. Finally, nearly four years later I was able to lead a JFEC Mission to Israel. It turned out to be a visit during one of the most consequential times of crisis in Israel, when a major confrontation between the governing coalition of the State of Israel and most of its citizens took place. It was a remarkable Mission, and the spirit of the protests were felt daily. Towards the end of the Mission I remained in Tel Aviv while a segment of our group travelled to Petra and Wadi Rum in Jordan. This layover enabled me to participate in two demonstrations and feel the depth of commitment that most Israelis have to preserving a true democracy in their state.

To understand the current crisis in Israel one must look deep into its history and the structure of its government and governance.

Israel was declared a state after UN Resolution 181, partitioning The British Mandate of Palestine into two countries, Israel and Palestine, was passed on November 29, 1947. The British Mandate was scheduled to end in May 1948, and on May 14, 1948, David Ben Gurion declared the establishment of the State of Israel.

The Arab nations had rejected the Partition Resolution and a State of Palestine was not declared. Instead, the Arab nations waged a war against the new State of Israel, a war they lost badly. They tried two more times to attack Israel, in June of 1967 and October of 1973. They lost badly in both wars, but the 1973 War did lead to a peace treaty with Egypt, and eventually with Jordan, and now with several other Arab nations.

The heart and soul of the State of Israel is the Israel Defense Forces, the IDF. Under that rubric lies an Army, a Navy, and an Air Force. The IDF has broad support from all citizens, but not broad-based enlistment. While some Arab Israelis, Druze (who are drafted) and Bedouin enlist in the IDF and are actually

drafted as are most young Israelis, most ultra-orthodox Jewish Israelis are exempted from military service so that they can attend Yeshivas and study Torah. This exemption, and the extremely expensive government support of these institutions had led to great resentment among most Israelis.

When Israel was created their governing model was a Parliamentary system, with a Prime Minister chosen by the Parliament’s governing party. Justice is dispensed not by juries but by judges, who determine matters of both fact and law. Appeals are available up to the Supreme Court. For nearly 40 years the governing party was the Socialist leaning Labor Party of Israel. As that dominant majority diminished, the coalitions required to form a government relied on the ultra-Orthodox parties to create a stable governing coalition. In exchange for their participation in the government they received vast sums of money and were allowed to establish settlements on the Biblical land of Israel (primarily the West Bank).

What Israel did not write upon its founding, was a constitution. Instead, it passed over the years, a series of Basic Laws. These were to serve, eventually, as the framework for a constitution. The struggle to write a constitution is very difficult because the orthodox parties believe that Torah law should be the constitution for the Jewish State.

The current and ongoing crisis in Israel is due to the efforts of the Prime Minister, himself indicted on several counts and undergoing a trial, to gain control of the Supreme Court and allow the Parliament to override Supreme Court decisions with a simple majority. This effort is being encouraged by members of the government who are convicted criminals, messianic zealots, corrupt opportunists, and ultra-nationalists. This effort would destroy the only check and balance that exists over the Parliament and the governing coalition.

For several weeks protests against this judicial reform grew but Netanyahu’s Likud Party held the line and pushed forward with their legislative proposal. Finally, the President of Israel, Isaac Herzog, called for a pause in the legislative drive. Following that call, Israel’s Defense Minister, Yoav Gallant, a member of the Likud Party, called for a halt to the legislative drive. Prime Minister Netanyahu announced that he would dismiss the Defense Minister. This caused a massive national reaction.

Labor unions called a general strike, the real estate and high tech industries closed down, all major universities closed down, and the national airport was closed. The social media networks created, overnight, massive rallies throughout the country and the nations of the western world called upon the Prime Minister to halt his drive to take control of the Supreme Court. The demonstrations and international outcry worked.

The legislative drive was suspended, and negotiations are taking place in the home of the President of Israel to reach a compromise that will be acceptable to a large majority of Israel’s citizens. Defense Minister Gallant remains in his position as no formal letter dismissing him has been issued and the leaders of the Likud party are indicating that they would not accept a new Defense Minister. It is not clear whether, and how quickly this crisis will be resolved, but the citizens of Israel have made their voices heard and the government of Israel has no choice but to listen and act accordingly.